It has caused serious heartburn in the west, particularly among those with myopic strategic vision and who are unaware of the current complex security environment in Asia and the Pacific. The event that Russian President Vladimir Putin gave royal treatment to Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his two-day visit to Moscow this week has caused serious heartburn in New Delhi.
The typical warm hug that Prime Minister Modi gave to President Putin was, in many respects, a signal to him that Russia does not have to rely solely on backing from China in order to counterbalance the pressure that the west is exerting after the war in Ukraine. Additionally, it was a signal to the west, making it very apparent that India does not want its vulnerability against China to become a vulnerability with Anglo-Saxon nations in the future.
When the Prime Minister of India made his first trip to Austria since 1983, it demonstrated that India was willing to collaborate with a state that was not a member of NATO in order to acquire high-tech infrastructure technologies and winter equipment.
Instead of some western propaganda media labelling the hug between Modi and Putin as a rebuff to India’s western friends, the bilateral meeting in Moscow should be seen in the context of the past legacy, which was when the west, particularly the United States, promoted dictators in Pakistan rather than Indian democratic leadership for the Great Game in Afghanistan and the military rise of China.
The western support to Pakistan in the wars of 1965 and 1971, as well as during the Khalistan-Kashmir terrorism decades of 1980-2000, have ensured that Indian national security planners clearly believe that Bharat is on its own in the event of a worst-case scenario with China or any other adversary. This is despite the fact that it is a fact that the former Soviet Union refrained from participating in the war of 1962 at the behest of Mao Zedong.
And it is for this reason that Prime Minister Modi is completely dedicated to the Aatmanirbhar Bharat initiative, and he is of the opinion that the Agniveer scheme would provide a foundation of nationalistic values for the Viksit Bharat of 2047.
At a time when Prime Minister Modi is making bold diplomatic efforts in the interest of India, it is time for Indian diplomacy and intelligence to be adjusted to the requirements of Bharat. This is because India is on the path to become the third largest economy in the world this decade.
With India’s belief in strategic autonomy and the fact that it is not in alliance with either the western or the Chinese camps, it is of the utmost importance that Indian diplomats avoid suffering from “localitis,” especially when they are deployed in western countries, and begin defending Bharat without either the United States or Russia having any prejudice. The Indian diplomats who are currently stationed in western countries are already exhibiting signs that this movement is taking place.
In spite of the fact that Anglo-Saxon forces are attempting to impede the progress of the Indian counter-terrorism apparatus by advocating for individuals who have been banned, such as Hardeep Singh Nijjar and G. S. Pannun, India requires its intelligence agencies to have real-time domain awareness of at least its most significant foes.
Despite the fact that Indian intelligence has little idea why Chinese President Xi Jinping has been firing his PLA generals, particularly those belonging to Rocket Force, and why two former Defence Ministers with PLA allegiance were expelled from the Communist Party, and why Dong Jun of the PLA Navy is currently heading the Ministry of Defence, the fact remains that Indian intelligence has little idea why these things are happening.
Putting all of these actions within the context of Xi Jinping’s anti-corruption push seems to be an oversimplification of the situation. How well does a Chinese J-20 fighter equipped with a Russian engine that has been reverse engineered perform in terms of operating capabilities? With regard to Tibet and Sinkiang, what is the current situation of the anti-China ferment?
As India today meets China all along the heavily militarised 3488-kilometer Line of Actual Control, with Beijing muscling into Bhutan next to the critically vulnerable Siliguri corridor, there are numerous concerns that need to be answered. Raisina Hill needs to have answers to these problems. In order to throw out of the window the peace and tranquilly agreements that were made between 1993 and 1996, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is moving its military bases closer to the Line of Control (LAC), even in territories that it occupied back in 1958 and 1962.
Due to the fact that China possesses enormous economic and military leverage over India’s neighbours, particularly Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Maldives, the Modi government is left with no choice but to construct both economic and military capabilities against China and its proxies. This is because support from the west will always come with conditions attached to it.
In addition to this, the system of counterintelligence and internal security needs to be improved in order to combat the massive intelligence infrastructure of western powers, Pakistan, and China, as well as the internal foes that are supported by these countries in Kashmir, Punjab, and the hinterland territories. Due to the fact that the Indian opposition has decided to live up to its name, the task that Prime Minister Modi is tasked with has grown more challenging.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Russia has held considerable geopolitical significance, reflecting the longstanding historical ties and the evolving strategic partnership between the two countries. Here is an in-depth analysis of the key aspects and implications of this visit:
India and Russia share a deep-rooted relationship that dates back to the Cold War era. During this period, the Soviet Union was a critical ally of India, providing military, economic, and diplomatic support. This relationship continued to evolve after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, with Russia inheriting the mantle of this partnership.
The foundation of the Indo-Russian relationship is built on a strategic partnership that encompasses defense cooperation, energy ties, and geopolitical alignment. Modi’s visit to Russia underlines the importance of these aspects:
Economic and energy cooperation form another vital pillar of the Indo-Russian relationship, with Modi’s visit focusing on several key areas:
- Bilateral Trade and Investment: Bilateral trade between India and Russia, while significant, has potential for further growth. Modi’s visit aims at boosting trade ties by addressing barriers, enhancing trade infrastructure, and exploring new areas of economic collaboration. Discussions on mutual investments in sectors such as infrastructure, pharmaceuticals, and information technology are expected, aligning with Russia’s interest in investing in Indian infrastructure projects.
- Oil and Gas Collaboration: Russia is one of the world’s largest producers of oil and natural gas, making it a crucial partner for India’s growing energy needs. Modi’s visit focuses on enhancing energy cooperation through investments in oil and gas fields, long-term supply contracts, and joint ventures in energy exploration and production. This collaboration is essential for securing India’s energy future and diversifying its energy sources.
- Nuclear Energy: Russia has been a key partner in India’s civil nuclear energy program, with the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant being a testament to this cooperation. Future collaborations in nuclear energy, including the construction of new reactors and the supply of nuclear fuel, are likely to be significant discussion points during Modi’s visit.
- Renewable Energy: As India pushes towards achieving its renewable energy goals, cooperation with Russia in areas like hydropower, solar energy, and renewable energy technology could be explored. Joint research and development in these fields can contribute to sustainable energy solutions and address global climate change challenges.